Saturday, September 20, 2014

The Controversy of Zion, by Douglas Reed. Learn the Complete History of the Occupation of Palestine (and More). Don't Choose Sides ... Choose Information! 
Corpus Hypercubus (1954), by Salvador Dali ... a post-war vision of "the bearer of glad tidings" -- realized at the same time this book was being written

The Controversy of Zion
By Douglas Reed
Published by Dolphin Press (Pty) LTD., Durban, South Africa, 1978.
First Chapter Reprinted Here
With a New Introduction Written by Color Revolutions and Geopolitics

Editors' Introduction

When Douglas Reed finished writing in 1956 of a "controversy" pertaining to "Zion," what was his meaning?  Was there truly a "controversy" then?  And is there a "controversy" still today?

Here's our thinking: how can any of us even answer these questions?  How can any of us even get close to answering these questions?

Because to answer these questions we first need quality information, quality perspectives.

In other words, we need good books; we need free and open discussion; we need basic academic freedoms.  We as a community need to think and consider and discuss (and even further discuss) all that we've read and learned.

And do we --at least those of us in the Western world-- actually enjoy any of these fundamental prerequisites of learning about this broad topic?  Are the library and bookstore shelves filled with books--good books! critical books! --about the history of Zionism; or about the founding of Israel?  Have we exhausted ourselves, our friends, or our fellow students with real, detailed conversations about Zionism; or about the origins and behavior of Israel; or about the structure of Judaism itself? 

Obviously we have not.  Perhaps we cannot or will not.

Obviously anything even remotely close to these topics cannot be freely and openly and critically discussed; obviously we in the Western world are fearful about even saying the words "Jew" or "Jewish" in mixed company (let alone having the ability to discuss frankly--and perhaps even critically--a political entity whose actions repeatedly demand criticism; an entity which refers to itself as a "Jewish State" and claims to act on behalf of the "Jewish people").

And so it is this that we arrive at as a legitimate controversy of Zion; a controversy that must be dealt with before we can even discuss the "controversy" alluded to in the book.  This controversy has nothing to do with the content of Zionism itself; it has nothing to do with Israeli behavior toward Palestine; nor does it have anything to do with the topics of so-called Jewish power or of the underlying motives of Israel, the Jewish State.  This controversy is instead that, at least in this one instance, at least under this one topical umbrella, we witness a complete negation of free thought and analytical discourse; the complete removal of calm discussion and public scrutiny.  

And even though many have already "chosen sides" for one reason or another; and even though most have been fed a steady diet of either pro-Israeli or pro-Palestinian propaganda from their favorite partisans and sloganeers... are any of us now satisfied that this is actually a "learning environment," an environment that is conducive to enshrining quality information? 

Before we get to the complicated question as to "why?" this state of self-censorship or community-censorship exists, we need to deal with the ramifications of its power on a personal level.

In other words, those of us that consider ourselves responsible "adults" in the realm of thinking and learning need to then act like adults; we need to gather the necessary courage to confront this self-censorship head-on (or else feel the cruel realities of knowingly living in ignorance).

Over the summer, we witnessed a vicious war between those occupying the Palestinian land and the Palestinians themselves.  Day after day, if we look closely enough we read of new illegal Jewish settlements on Palestinian land, entailing the forceful removal of Palestinian families from their homes, each of these actions sponsored and supported by the Israeli government.  We also read of condemnation of these acts by representatives of the Palestinian people; and of renewed tensions and deadly violence resulting in part from it. 

Do we want to get to the bottom of this conflict?

Do we want to explore, in all its ramifications, if there is truly a "controversy" of Zion; and if so, are we courageous enough to discover what it is?

Or will we remain satisfied with slogans, with Hollywood and with television; and especially with those "must-read" books that climb up the best-seller lists, promoted by the likes of our favorite radio and television personalities, and by the editors and columnists of the New York Times?

*     *     *     *     *

Reed's "Controversy" published posthumously
It would be foolish of us to try and persuade our readers what to think of Douglas Reed's book, as much as it would be irresponsible for us to offer a detailed synopsis of what the book contains: including either of these would work against the spirit of this introduction, which has been to promote doing one's own reading and thinking; and through that, to help open up our now limited discussion forums to include previously forbidden information and perspectives.  

And besides: Douglas Reed spent years researching and writing, distilling this broad topic, a topic spanning three millennia, into a 600 page book. 

The book is the synopsis.

If anyone wants to know what the book is about... if anyone wants to know how to feel about the book and its contents... first just read the book.    

                       [Chapter One of Book Follows]

The Start of the Affair

The true start of this affair occurred on a day in 458 BC which this narrative will reach in its sixth chapter. On that day the petty Palestinian tribe of Judah (earlier disowned by the Israelites) produced a racial creed, the disruptive effect of which on subsequent human affairs may have exceeded that of explosives or epidemics. This was the day on which the theory of the master-race was set up as "the Law".

At the time Judah was a small tribe among the subject-peoples of the Persian king, and what today is known as "the West" could not even be imagined. Now the Christian era is nearly two thousand years old and "Western civilization", which grew out of it, is threatened with disintegration.

The creed born in Judah 2,500 years ago, in the author's opinion, has chiefly brought this about. The process, from original cause to present effect, can be fairly clearly traced because the period is, in the main, one of verifiable history.

The creed which a fanatical sect produced that day has shown a great power over the minds of men throughout these twenty-five centuries; hence its destructive achievement. Why it was born at that particular moment, or ever, is something that none can explain. This is among the greatest mysteries of our world, unless the theory that every action produces an equal and opposite reaction is valid in the area of religious thought; so that the impulse which at that remote time set many men searching for a universal, loving God produced this fierce counter-idea of an exclusive, vengeful deity.

Judah-ism was retrogressive even in 458 BC, when men in the known world were beginning to turn their eyes away from idols and tribal gods and to look for a God of all men, of justice and of neighbourliness. Confucius and Buddha had already pointed in that direction and the idea of one-God was known among the neighbouring peoples of Judah.  Today the claim is often made that the religious man, Christian, Muslim or other, must pay respect to Judaism, whatever its errors, on one incontestable ground: it was the first universal religion, so that in a sense all universal religions descend from it. Every Jewish child is taught this.  In truth, the idea of the one-God of all men was known long before the tribe of Judah even took shape, and Judaism was above all else the denial of that idea.  The Egyptian Book of the Dead (manuscripts of which were found in the tombs of kings of 2,600 BC, over two thousand years before the Judaist "Law" was completed) contains the passage: "Thou art the one, the God from the very beginnings of time, the heir of immortality, self-produced and self-born; thou didst create the earth and make man."  Conversely, the Scripture produced in Judah of the Levites asked, "Who is like unto thee, O Lord, among the Gods?" (Exodus).

The sect which attached itself to and mastered the tribe of Judah took this rising concept of one-God of all-peoples and embodied it in its Scripture only to destroy it, and to set up the creed based on its denial. It is denied subtly, but with scorn, and as the creed is based on the theory of the master-race this denial is necessary and inevitable. A master-race, if there be one, must itself be God.

The creed which was given force of daily law in Judah in 458 BC was then and still is unique in the world. It rested on the assertion, attributed to the tribal deity (Jehovah), that "the Israelites" (in fact, the Judahites) were his "chosen people" who, if they did all his "statutes and judgments", would be set over all other peoples and be established in a "promised land". Out of this theory, whether by forethought or unforeseen necessity, grew the pendent theories of "captivity" and "destruction". If Jehovah were to be worshipped, as he demanded, at a certain place in a specified land, all his worshippers had to live there.

Obviously all of them could not live there, but if they lived elsewhere, whether by constraint or their own choice, they automatically became "captives" of "the stranger", whom they had to "root out", "pull down" and "destroy". Given this basic tenet of the creed, it made no difference whether the "captors" were conquerors or friendly hosts; their ordained lot was to be destruction or enslavement.

Before they were destroyed or enslaved, they were, for a time, to be "captors" of the Judahites, not in their own right, but because the Judahites, having failed in "observance", deserved punishment.  In this way, Jehovah revealed himself as the one-God of all-peoples: though he "knew" only the "chosen people", he would employ the heathen to punish them for their "transgressions", before meting out the foreordained destruction to these heathen.

The Judahites had this inheritance thrust on them. It was not even theirs, for the "covenant", according to these Scriptures, had been made between Jehovah and "the children of Israel", and by 458 BC the Israelites, spurning the non-Israelitish Judahites, had long since been absorbed by other mankind, taking with them the vision of a universal, loving God of all men. The Israelites, from all the evidence, never knew this racial creed which was to come down through the centuries as the Jewish religion, or Judaism. It stands, for all time, as the product of Judah of the Levites.

What happened before 458 BC is largely lore, legend and mythology, as distinct from the period following, the main events of which are known. Before 458 BC, for instance, there were in the main only "oral traditions"; the documentary period begins in the two centuries leading up to 458 BC, when Judah had been disavowed by the Israelites.  At this stage, when the word-of-mouth tradition became written Scripture, the perversion occurred. The surviving words of the earlier Israelites show that their tradition was a widening one of neighbourliness under a universal God. This was changed into its opposite by the itinerant priests who segregated the Judahites and established the worship of Jehovah as the god of racialism, hatred and revenge.

In the earlier tradition Moses was a great tribal leader who heard the voice of one-God speak from a burning bush and came down from a mountain bearing this one-God's moral commandments to the people. The time when this tradition took shape was one when the idea of religion was first moving in the minds of men and when all the peoples were borrowing from each other's traditions and thought.

Whence the idea of one-God may have come has already been shown, although the earlier Egyptians themselves may have received it from others. The figure of Moses himself, and his Law, both were taken from material already existing. The story of Moses's discovery in the bulrushes was plainly borrowed from the much earlier legend (with which it is identical) of a king of Babylonia, Sargon the Elder, who lived between one and two thousand years before him; the Commandments much resemble earlier law codes of the Egyptians, Babylonians and Assyrians.  The ancient Israelites built on current ideas, and by this means apparently were well on the way to a universal religion when they were swallowed up by mankind.

Then Judah put the process into reverse, so that the effect is that of a film run backward. The masters of Judah, the Levites, as they drew up their Law also took what they could use from the inheritance of other peoples and worked it into the stuff they were moulding.  They began with the one just God of all men, whose voice had been briefly heard from the burning bush (in the oral tradition) and in the course of five books of their written Law turned him into the racial, bargaining Jehovah who promised territory, treasure, blood and power over others in return for a ritual of sacrifice, to be performed at a precise place in a specified land.

Thus they founded the permanent counter-movement to all universal religions and identified the name Judah with the doctrine of self-segregation from mankind, racial hatred, murder in the name of religion, and revenge.

The perversion thus accomplished may be traced in the Old Testament, where Moses first appears as the bearer of the moral commandments and good neighbour, and ends as a racial mass-murderer, the moral commandments having been converted into their opposites between Exodus and Numbers.  In the course of this same transmutation the God who begins by commanding the people not to kill or to covet their neighbours' goods or wives, finishes by ordering a tribal massacre of a neighbouring people, only the virgins to be saved alive!

Thus the achievement of the itinerant priests who mastered the tribe of Judah, so long ago, was to turn one small, captive people away from the rising idea of a God of all men, to reinstate a bloodthirsty tribal deity and racial law, and to send the followers of this creed on their way through the centuries with a destructive mission.

The creed, or revelation of God as thus presented, was based on a version of history, every event of which had to conform with, and to confirm the teaching.  This version of history went back to the Creation, the exact moment of which was known; as the priests also claimed to possess the future, this was a complete story and theory of the universe from start to finish.  The end was to be the triumphant consummation in Jerusalem, when world dominion was to be established on the ruins of the heathen and their kingdoms.

The theme of mass-captivity, ending in a Jehovan vengeance ("all the firstborn of Egypt"), appears when this version of history reaches the Egyptian phase, leading up to the mass-exodus and mass-conquest of the promised land. This episode was necessary if the Judahites were to be organized as a permanent disruptive force among nations and for that reason, evidently, was invented; the Judaist scholars agree that nothing resembling the narrative in Exodus actually occurred.

Whether Moses even lived is in dispute. "They tell you", said the late Rabbi Emil Hirsch, "that Moses never lived. I acquiesce. If they tell me that the story that came from Egypt is mythology, I shall not protest; it is mythology. They tell me that the book of Isaiah, as we have it today, is composed of writings of at least three and perhaps four different periods; I knew it before they ever told me; before they knew it, it was my conviction".

Whether Moses lived or not, he cannot have led any mass-exodus from Egypt into Canaan (Palestine). No sharply-defined Israelitish tribes existed (says Rabbi Elmer Berger) at any time when anyone called Moses may have led some small groups out of Egyptian slavery.  The Habiru (Hebrews) then were already established in Canaan, having reached it long before from Babylonia on the far side: Their name, Habiru, denoted no racial or tribal identity; it meant "nomads". Long before any small band led by Moses can have arrived they had overrun large Canaanite areas, and the governor of Jerusalem reported to Pharaoh in Egypt, "The King no longer has any territory, the Habiru have devastated all the King's territory".

A most zealous Zionist historian, Dr. Josef Kastein, is equally specific about this. He will often be quoted during this narrative because his book, like this one, covers the entire span of the controversy of Zion (save for the last twenty-two years; it was published in 1933). He says, "Countless other Semitic and Hebrew tribes were already settled in the promised land which, Moses told his followers, was theirs by ancient right of inheritance; what matter that actual conditions in Canaan had long since effaced this right and rendered it illusory."

Dr. Kastein, a fervent Zionist, holds that the Law laid down in the Old Testament must be fulfilled to the letter, but does not pretend to take the version of history seriously, on which this Law is based. In this he differs from Christian polemicists of the "every word is true" school. He holds that the Old Testament was in fact a political programme, drafted to meet the conditions of a time, and frequently revised to meet changing conditions.

Historically, therefore, the Egyptian captivity, the slaying of "all the firstborn of Egypt", the exodus toward and conquest of the promised land are myths. The story was invented, but the lesson, of vengeance on the heathen, was implanted in men's minds and the deep effect continues into our time.

It was evidently invented to turn the Judahites away from the earlier tradition of the God who, from the burning bush, laid down a simple law of moral behaviour and neighbourliness; by the insertion of imaginary, allegorical incident, presented as historical truth, this tradition was converted into its opposite and the "Law" of exclusion, hatred and vengeance established. With this as their religion and inheritance, attested by the historical narrative appended to it, a little band of human beings were sent on their way into the future.

By the time of that achievement of 458 BC, many centuries after any possible period when Moses may have lived, much had happened in Canaan. The nomadic Habiru, supplanting the native Canaanites by penetration, intermarriage, settlement or conquest, had thrown off a tribe called the Ben Yisrael, or Children of Israel, which had split into a number of tribes, very loosely confederated and often at war with each other.  The main body of these tribes, the Israelites, held the north of Canaan. In the south, isolated and surrounded by native Canaanitish peoples, a tribe called Judah took shape. This was the tribe from which the racial creed and such words as "Judaism", "Jewish" and "Jew" in the course of centuries emerged.

From the moment when it first appears as an entity this tribe of Judah has a strange look. It was always cut off, and never got on well with its neighbours. Its origins are mysterious. It seems from the beginning, with its ominous name, somehow to have been set apart, rather than to have been "chosen".  The Levitical Scriptures include it among the tribes of Israel, and as the others mingled themselves with mankind this would leave it the last claimant to the rewards promised by Jehovah to "the chosen people".  However, even this claim seems to be false, for the Jewish Encyclopaedia impartially says that Judah was "in all likelihood a non-Israelitish tribe".

This tribe with the curious air was the one which set out into the future saddled with the doctrine drawn up by the Levites, namely, that it was Jehovah's "chosen people" and, when it had done "all my statutes and judgments", would inherit a promised land and dominion over all peoples.

Among these "statutes and judgments" as the Levites finally edited them appeared, repeatedly, the commands, "utterly destroy", "pull down", "root out". Judah was destined to produce a nation dedicated to destruction.

                              [First Chapter Ends]
Read Full Book Here

Saturday, July 26, 2014

The Controversy of Zion: Occupation... Colonization... Killing is Good!

Face of Demented Zionism yet Again Revealed: Will Americans Keep Funding It? 
By Franklin Lamb
Almanar News
July 23, 2014
Images and captions added by Color Revolutions and Geopolitics

Franklin Lamb
The “up and coming” well-known and much admired Israeli politician and parliament member Ayelet Shaked of the ultra-nationalist Jewish Home [political party] has again branded Palestinians as terrorists, declaring as the 4th Zionist invasion of Gaza in the past ten years was being unleashed: “Mothers of all Palestinians should also be killed” she told the Daily Sabah, as she called for the slaughter of Palestinian mothers who give birth to "little snakes."

In a call for Genocide, she added, “They have to die and their houses should be demolished so that they cannot bear any more terrorists," Shaked said, adding, "They are all our enemies and their blood should be on our hands. This also applies to the mothers of every dead terrorist we eliminate."

On 7/7/14 Shaked wrote on her Facebook page:
Israeli MP Ayelet Shaked
"Behind every terrorist stands dozens of men and women, without whom he could not engage in terrorism. They are all enemy combatants, and their blood shall be on all their heads. Now this also includes the mothers of the martyrs, who send them to hell with flowers and kisses. They should follow their sons, nothing would be more just. They should go, as should the physical homes in which they raised the snakes. Otherwise, more little snakes will be raised there."
The development comes as many officials from various countries have slammed Israel's air strikes on the Gaza Strip.  Many have condemned the offensive diatribe, accusing Israel of massacring the Palestinians and have lashed out at Israel, saying it is committing state terrorism against the Palestinians in the region.  Reacting to Shaked's remarks, the Turkish premier said Israel's policy in Gaza is no different than Hitler's mentality. "An Israeli woman said Palestinian mothers should be killed, too. And she's a member of the Israeli parliament. What is the difference between this morality and Hitler’s," he said speaking in parliament, as he also questioned the world's silence toward Tel Aviv's ongoing atrocities.

As the Zionist regime busies itself "Mowing the lawn," the obscene phrase used in Israeli military circles to describe how, every couple of years or so, Gaza is subjected to massive international crimes against humanity is a massive display of firepower to “trim back Hamas’s military capabilities and ambitions” in the words of its allies in the US Congress.  Its US funded armed forces are yet again attacking and invading Gaza in violation of international and U.S. law. As former US Congressman Dennis Kucinich reminds us, its construction of settlements violates the Oslo agreement. Its Central Bank dries up the Gaza economy and blocks payments to Gazan civil servants. Its total control brings the Palestinians to utter subjection and total despair. Israel can kill, injure, and humiliate Palestinians at will, with impunity, which is exactly what gave rise to Hamas and strengthens Hamas’ hold in Gaza.

As journalist Rami Khoury reminds us, military assaults against Gaza cause Israel to lose ground in three vital respects inasmuch as they enhance Palestinian military resistance, intensify global condemnation and pressure due to Israel’s disproportionate military savagery, and “deepen the nationalist identity and will to struggle for justice among all Palestinians, especially those children in Gaza who will grow up with a single aim in life: to vanquish colonial Zionism”.

Meanwhile, on 7/22/14 one of Americas largest airlines, Delta, has announced it is canceling all flights to Israel citing reports that a rocket landed near Tel Aviv's airport. This against the backdrop of a growing BDS [Boycott Divestment Sanctions] campaign increasingly similar to the one that destroyed the pro-Zionist Apartheid regime in South Africa. The developments come as the UN agency for Palestinian refugees has recently said women and children make up a sizable number of Palestinian fatalities caused by Israeli attacks on the besieged region.

Undeterred, the US Senate, while claiming to be overworked, did find time to pass (100-0) an AIPAC-drafted resolution supporting the Gaza invasion. There is not one word of compassion for Palestinians killed or injured, not a word calling for peace, not a word indicating that the Senate would perhaps prefer to see the invasion end. On the other hand, it calls for dissolution of the Palestinian unity government which has been Netanyahu's goal since it was established.

Celebrating Palestinian unity (Gaza City, April 23, 2014): (from left) Palestinian legislator Mustafa Barghouti, Palestinian Fatah delegation chief Azzam al-Ahmed, Hamas prime minister in the Gaza Strip Ismail Haniyeh, Hamas deputy leader Musa Abu Marzuk, and secretary-general of the Palestinian Arab Front Jameel Shehadeh
For example, the Senate Resolution declared that it was:
 “Expressing the sense of the Senate regarding United States support for the State of Israel as it defends itself against unprovoked rocket attacks from the Hamas terrorist organization. Whereas Hamas is a United States-designated terrorist organization whose charter calls for the destruction of the State of Israel; Whereas Hamas continues to reject the core principles of the Middle East Quartet (the United Nations, the United States, the European Union, and Russia)--recognize Israel's right to exist, renounce violence, and accept previous Israeli-Palestinian agreements; whereas Hamas has killed hundreds of Israelis and dozens of Americans in rocket attacks and suicide bombings.”
The same kind of Resolution that AIPAC sends more than 80 to Congress each year to make sure Congress does the right thing by the Zionist regime still occupying Palestine.

U.S. Senate vote supporting the killing of Palestinians by Israel passes unanimously, 100-0. Wow!  What does that even mean?
On 7/22/14, Israel's ambassador to the U.S. to the media [said] that Israeli soldiers should be given the Nobel Peace Prize for the "unimaginable restraint" they are showing in fighting Hamas, backing his country's right to self-defense.  Ambassador Ron Dermer made the comments at an event hosted by the Christians United for Israel group late Monday, according to a text of the speech posted on his Facebook page.  Comparing Hamas rocket fire on Israel to Germany's bombardment of London during World War II, Dermer slammed those "shamelessly accusing Israel of genocide and (who) would put us in the dock for war crimes.  The truth is that the Israeli Defense Forces should be given the Nobel Peace Prize... a Nobel Peace Prize for fighting with unimaginable restraint."

As for the truly pathetic Ms. Shaked, whose psychotic words and deeds not only trumpet savagery against Palestinians and praise those who would undertake a genocidal mission such as today being witnessed and documented in Gaza, but have also become a clarion call corrupting further  the minds of Israeli youth and colonial squatters. May the sick woman live to see the dismantling of the last of the 19th Century colonial enterprises which she calls to slaughter those whose land it still criminally occupies.

Tuesday, January 22, 2013

Counterattack in Benghazi: Exposing the NATO Murderers and the War Criminal Obama

Editors' Introduction
Christopher Stevens arrived in Benghazi, Libya as the US Special Representative to the National Transitional Council, in April, 2011, wielding a program of death and destruction.  

At that time the main goal of Christopher Stevens and the United States government was to subjugate the sovereign nation of Libya.  More than anything else, this meant the removal of Colonel Gaddafi from power, by any and all means.  

Not only were tens of thousands of Libyans murdered in the civil war that Stevens helped to orchestrate.  But in October, 2011, Colonel Gaddafi himself was ruthlessly gunned down in the desert: no trial, no civilized justice for the fallen leader of the once-defiant nation.  "We came, we saw, he died."  That is how Hillary Clinton put it.  That about sums it up. 

With Colonel Gaddafi removed, the mission that Christopher Stevens led was immediately deemed a glowing success.  He was rewarded by being appointed the ambassador of this recently conquered country, "post-revolutionary" Libya, having arrived in Tripoli in the spring of the following year to take up his post.  

Christopher Stevens... expert at creating completely fake revolutions and making them seem real biz must be in his nature...

On September 10th, 2012, Ambassador Stevens arrived quietly in Benghazi for a scheduled four-day trip to the city.  There was no grand ceremony waiting for Stevens on this trip; no pomp and circumstance for the U.S. ambassador that, it is said, had "liberated" the country from tyranny.  He came to Benghazi under the cover of darkness, accompanied only by a two-man security detail, having provided no "official" notification that he was even in the city, and without stating publicly why he had come (details which we still haven't learned even today). 

On the following evening, around half past nine o'clock, after Ambassador Stevens reportedly spent the entire day receiving visitors in his walled-off fifteen acre mini-fortress, that's when the attackers arrived.  Within the hour, Christopher Stevens lay unconscious in a smoked-out bathroom, pronounced dead a short time later; murdered in the same city that he occupied during the bloody civil war; a victim of the self-same methods he employed.

The typical Western media narrative on the death of Christopher Stevens omits many of the details and value judgments which we have included above.  In most instances this is because the Western "news" effort surrounding Ambassador Stevens' death also doubled as a deafening propaganda campaign; a campaign which, still to this day, demands that, even if individual opinions about the incident adopt a posture of U.S. government criticism (as they frequently do), this "criticism" must always be limited, never with full license to probe or challenge the central myths and ideological falsehoods that shield aggressive U.S. behavior as it operates around the world.

How can any of us know the substance and motive of U.S. behavior if its most painful details remain excluded from public consideration?  Further still, how can any of us know the substance and motive behind attacks against the United States, the justice of the attacks, or the character of the attackers, if all we know is a glorified rendering of what the U.S. government is and does?

Benghazi has evolved into a war zone--this we now know--a city of over one million left to suffer the results of the glorious revolution sponsored by Western powers.  This has been the norm for several months, since well before the ambassador's hyped death.  Why did we hear nothing of it months ago?  Why do we learn about this only now?

And what of the other cities in "post-revolutionary" Libya, like Tawargha?

Tawargha, just south of Misrata, was once a city of around thirty thousand residents.  In early August, 2011, the whole city fell victim to a sustained terror campaign led by racist armed gangs and backed by NATO bombs.  Many observers have claimed that, if ever a legitimate case of "genocide" existed in Libya, this would be it.  Today the town is empty, barely identifiable on a map.

Perhaps our readers can tell us, how many press releases had been published documenting this tragedy?  How much space did this calamity occupy in the central narrative of the revolution?  Any at all?

Even after the lid on Libya had been lifted, revealing the chaos of Benghazi in recent months; even after so much interest had been generated about the "deteriorating" security situation in Libya, who yet has spoken of Tawargha?  Who has spoken of Bani Walid

Which is to say, who among us has yet learned of the "real" Libya that Christopher Stevens "saved" from tyranny? 

Of course much truth about Libya has been deliberately obscured from Western audiences since before the days of the "humanitarian" intervention, much like in every other war.

It's only due to the fact that Christopher Stevens was in a high-profile position when he was murdered, serving as the U.S. Ambassador to Libya, that Western public opinion leaders brought any attention--any at all--to the deadly violence that now reigns there.

Christopher Stevens was the first sitting U.S. Ambassador to have been killed in the line of duty in over thirty years.   

Within a strictly image-oriented public relations framework, the death of an ambassador meant that Christopher Stevens was already more than an unknown diplomatic soldier falling quietly in the line of duty; already more than a mere footnote in the failures of modern American diplomacy.  This much is obvious.  His death was destined to bring immediate attention and public scrutiny to Obama's foreign policy agenda.  The operative question would be (and still is), what will the public learn?

Will the public ever learn the identity of the Benghazi "compound" attackers?  Will they read sworn testimony from eye witnesses or participants?  Will they watch live video feed, that which supposedly exists documenting the incident?  Will they analyze relevant photos?  Or read signed statements from any "guilty parties" clarifying what motives may have been behind the attacks?

Will the public ever learn that the "Arab Spring" was not a "spontaneous" "wave" of "revolutions" but a well-planned, precisely-timed geopolitically-motivated Pentagon fake?  Will they learn the lessons of the so-called "color revolutions," about how foreign leaders are routinely ousted by U.S. government operatives through false media narratives and clever psychological tricks?

Will the public learn of the numerous massacres and humanitarian crises that enveloped Libya, not because of Colonel Gaddafi, but because of the military invasion--the jet sorties, the heavy artillery--which NATO brought in from the outside?     

And what of the United States' point man in Libya, Christopher Stevens?  Senator Joseph Lieberman said that "[Christopher Stevens] became in fact the bright symbol of America, a heroic and inspiring figure for many Libyans."  Is that what the public is destined to learn?

Maybe the public will learn that our "heroic and inspiring figure" personally blessed the arrival of thousands of machine guns, rocket-propelled grenades, professional sadists and torture devices into this region.  Perhaps they'll also learn that, after Libya was ripped apart by the civil war, Stevens then started shipping those same weapons illegally to Syria, a move designed to destroy that country and remove that government, yet another government that now stands in their way. 

Stevens' sudden death at the wrong end of these weapons--and, perhaps, at the hands of the very people he delivered them to--single-handedly multiplied any risk of bringing his vicious mission--his real mission--into sharp public focus.

Without leaving anything to chance, a damage control effort quickly ran into high gear.  The United States propaganda apparatus was forced to respond and to reinforce the "humanitarian" myths which continue to support its mission worldwide, and so it did respond.  The United States must be good, must be benevolent, must be loving, must be paternal, must be caring, must be vulnerable, must be selfless, must be just.  And as the now-dead Christopher Stevens was destined to be the caretaker of these attributes, it was decided that, if the public was to learn anything of Chris Stevens, the public must learn unequivocally that Chris Stevens carried all of these saintly attributes in abundance.

This is how the Chris Stevens we know was born: a man lifted from complete obscurity, then projected to angelic heights; suspended there long enough only for us to marvel, only for us to gasp before we watched him tragically fall, victim to an "act of barbarism" on the colonial frontier.

What really happened? 

We do not claim to know all the answers here.  So many questions remain unanswered; so many have yet to be asked.

Doubtless that, whatever numerous lessons still hide beneath this cartoonish myth, we can only discover them by focusing upon material facts unearthed by a competent, impartial investigation.  

In his excellent essay (below the video), author Maximilian Forte dissected the first of the U.S. government's many unclassified "investigative" reports into the attack.

Are the Republicans really trying to get to the bottom of what happened in Benghazi?  Or are they protecting a bipartisan agenda through a limited attack
"Manifold are the ways in which the devil has sought to undermine the truth. 
He is now trying to crush it, by pretending to defend it." 
(Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullian of Carthage)

The State Department's "Report" on the Attack in Benghazi, Libya: The Effects of Diplomacy as Subversion

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By Maximilian Forte
Originally published in Counterpunch
December 20, 2012
Images and captions added by Color Revolutions and Geopolitics

Almost immediately after the armed attack in Benghazi, Libya, on September 11, 2012, which resulted in the death of U.S. Ambassador Christopher Stevens, along with Sean Smith, Tyrone Woods, and Glen Doherty, added to the destruction and looting of the U.S. facility in Benghazi, various columnists immediately took to issuing pronouncements on what had happened in Libya and what it meant. They all sounded so certain. Yet, the only certainty has been the deliberate production of uncertainty, with multiple layers of obfuscation, questions asked and never answered, and some questions not even asked yet. This is largely the case even now, four months after the attack and with the December 18 release of the findings of a State Department investigation into the attack. The report was produced by the “Accountability Review Board” convened by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton herself, and is thus lacking the impartiality of an independent body without ties to the Obama administration or the vested interests of those in charge of the State Department. The investigation was led by Thomas R. Pickering (a former U.S. ambassador to El Salvador during the height of its dirty war against opposition movements and guerrillas tied to the FMLN), and Admiral Michael Mullen.

Michael Mullen (L) and Thomas Pickering (R).  Interestingly Michael Mullen served as Obama's top military adviser during the entire NATO Libyan campaign.  Sadly this is what the State Department really meant when it demanded an  "independent investigation" into the Benghazi fiasco:  State investigates itself.   What you the citizen want to know; what is of value to you; this you will never learn.

As someone with a background in ethnohistory and archival research of colonial documents, plus seeing that this report is “unclassified” and is thus being circulated to various media, it struck me that the intent of this release was to produce not answers to a problem, but rather the State Department’s preferred version of events as the party to a conflict in Libya that the U.S. internationalized, widened and escalated since February 2011. There is actually little that is new in the report that has not already been presented and debated and left unsettled in the public sphere. Indeed, the report itself ultimately reduces everything to a need for more security measures and better training. This report is a very stark contrast to what some journalists were promising us would be a “State Department bombshell.” Well it’s a dud.

The Untold Story

Imagine this: a government that regularly executes alleged enemies abroad, using drone strikes based on supposed “intelligence,” that routinely claims to kill “terrorist” leaders and prevent “impending” attacks, is still not able—not even four months later—to identify the group responsible for the attack in Benghazi. Not able, or perhaps not willing. Instead, this report refers us to the FBI, which still has an investigation underway. This is the same FBI that was too frightened to send agents to Benghazi to investigate the attack, even weeks after the attack, and well after the “crime scene” had been extensively looted and “degraded.” Instead, this is the state of U.S. intelligence on Benghazi: “the key questions surrounding the identity, actions and motivations of the perpetrators remain to be determined by the ongoing criminal investigation” (p. 2). Even if we take the report at face value, this missing element—who are the attackers—should give anyone reason enough for lengthy pause. The U.S. government is claiming to not know which group attacked its staff in Benghazi, let alone the identities of the individual attackers. This says something about the state of U.S. “knowledge” of Libya. If we do not take the report at face value, then it reads like a deliberate attempt to cover up what the U.S. does not want the public to know.

In this regard, there are many possibilities, and no certainties. The report itself offers passing acknowledgment of the “continued presence of pro-Qaddafi supporters” (p. 15)—but does not even for a moment consider who might have a motive to attack the U.S. facility in Benghazi. The report does not even once mention the presence of CIA agents in its so-called “Special Mission Compound” in Benghazi, even though multiple reports surfaced that the attack had targeted a CIA base, exposing the presence of CIA personnel in significant numbers, and delivered a huge blow to CIA efforts in Libya—and to efforts to illicitly send arms to Syrian rebels via Turkey. And what was the CIA doing there? Reportedly their work focused on “securing” weaponry looted from Libyan government arsenals during the NATO war, such as surface-to-air missiles, the SA-7’s. It was also reported that Ambassador Chris Stevens’ work in Benghazi involved the transshipment of heavy weapons from Libya and into the hands of jihadists fighting to overthrow the government of Syria. Is it just a coincidence then that Syrian rebels have started using SA-7’s that they never had before? A CIA operation such as this would thus not only be violating international law, it would also reveal the lie that is Obama’s claim that the U.S. is not supplying Syrian rebels with weapons. This again widens the options concerning the motives of possible attackers, including those who might want to put a stop to such covert operations against Syria.

Under Gaddafi Libya had the highest standard of living in Africa.
What is not clear is why “Islamists” in Libya would want to attack the Benghazi “mission.” After all, these would be some of the same people who benefitted from NATO’s air cover, for which they pleaded, and from Western weapons shipments during the war to overthrow the Libyan government, and who are reportedly benefitting again by being supported by the U.S. and its NATO partner, Turkey, in sending weapons to Syria, with some Libyans already active in that war. How would they gain anything, and would they not lose a great deal in launching such an inexplicable attack against their own partners?

Unmentionable Friends

Indeed this is a major conceptual shortcoming of the report: how it abruptly converts “militias” into “terrorists” (see p. 4). For all of the report writers’ insistence that their job is not to identify the attackers, the report speaks of the activities and nature of Al Qaeda and its affiliates (p. 2). But then a question arises: if “Islamists” and “jihadists” are a problem, why does the U.S. work with them in Libya? Likewise, if they are as “anti-American” as is commonly assumed, why do some actively collaborate with the U.S.? How among what the report acknowledges is a dizzying array of militias, do U.S. officials determine which are the good “Islamists” and which are the bad ones? The report itself provides some interesting answers.

The authors of the report comment on how the U.S. backed war against the USSR in Afghanistan, and the U.S.’ subsequent invasion and occupation of Iraq, provided the networks, training, and experience that empowered the “jihadis” that Gaddafi fought, and that continue to destabilize Libya under U.S. auspices. Here there is not even a pause in the report when the former monarchy based in Benghazi, U.S. interests, and jihadists all cohabit the same paragraph, as if they were natural partners (p. 13). Indeed, the report casually notes that the “Special Mission’s Libyan security contingent was composed of four armed members of the February 17 Martyrs’ Brigade (February 17)—a local umbrella organization of militias dominant in Benghazi (some of which were Islamist)” (p. 19). Some of which were Islamist?

U.S. Diplomatic Security agent Mario Montoya trains local Libyan guards within the State Department's "Special Mission Compound" in Benghazi, 2011.

Then there is the assertion of the Libyans’ supposed love affair with Ambassador Stevens. If Stevens, and other foreign officials, had truly “earned the admiration of countless numbers of Libyans” (p. 14) as presented in the State Department’s hagiography, there should not have been a river of attacks (a list of 20 attacks is provided, pp. 15-16, for Benghazi alone) against U.S. and related Western targets, and Stevens should still be alive today. In this inability to get over themselves, the obsessive self-praise of U.S. officialdom, amounting to what often seems like an institutionalized narcissism and hubris, there is no discussion of why the reality of Libya is one where U.S. officials get killed. The report only offers a remarkably simplified picture of two kinds of potential Libyan opponents: protesters and terrorists.

The report, however, does note that a kind of tunnel vision developed among U.S. officials in Libya—perhaps blaming them for their own demise—a vision in which violence against the U.S. and other international targets was normalized and effectively pushed aside. The report comments on the possibility—at least this possibility earns their commentary—that with so many attacks against U.S. and international targets, it all came to be seen as normal: “the longer a post is exposed to continuing high levels of violence the more it comes to consider security incidents which might otherwise provoke a reaction as normal, thus raising the threshold for an incident to cause a reassessment of risk and mission continuation” (p. 16). On the other hand, the concept of “resistance” appears to be forbidden, precluded from discussion. Moreover, as I will discuss below, this line of argument holds no water and is part of a subtle subtext of the report that places the blame for Stevens’ death partly on Stevens himself.

Questionable Friends

It is odd, but not surprising, that the report offers the public no considerations of the risk that results as a blowback effect of U.S. destabilization, just as it erases any notion of resistance. Instead all the U.S. has is friends in Libya. So how did four Americans get killed? They were, we are told, guarded by a local militia, the February 17 militia. Unfortunately, “February 17 militia members had stopped accompanying Special Mission vehicle movements in protest over salary and working hours” (p. 5). Moreover, the investigators “found little evidence that the armed February 17 guards offered any meaningful defense” of the “special mission” (p. 6). As for the Libyan government, the investigators found “the Libyan government’s response to be profoundly lacking on the night of the attacks, reflecting both weak capacity and near absence of central government influence and control in Benghazi” (pp. 6-7). That sounds like the Libyan “government,” such as it is, had no capacity to help—which is quite likely true. However, that does not explain why “an unknown individual in a Libyan Supreme Security Council (SSC) police uniform” was spotted on the day of the attack “apparently taking photos of the compound villas with a cell phone from the second floor of a building under construction across the street to the north” of the “special mission” (p. 19).

Rewriting History

The authors of this report seem compelled to provide the preferred rendition of Libyan history, consistently making remarks that are noteworthy for lacking almost any relevance at all to the nature and purpose of their report. At the same time, the report adds to recent official comments that go strikingly against the Obama narrative at the start of the war in 2011, as if these officials suffered from amnesia and forgot what was in the last set of talking points on the approved and authorized view of Libya.

For example, while Obama repeatedly insisted he was against regime change back in March of 2011, and that international intervention was needed to protect civilians, his sole concern, there is no attempt to maintain this illusion any longer. Thus the report, like Secretary Clinton earlier, points out that Christopher Stevens was the U.S. “Special Envoy” to “the rebel-led government that eventually toppled Muammar Qaddafi in fall 2011,” and that was even before the U.S. publicly recognized that “government” as the “sole, legitimate representative of the Libyan people.” Stevens and his “special mission,” worked to bolster “U.S. support for Libya’s democratic transition through engagement with eastern Libya, the birthplace of the revolt against Qaddafi and a regional power center” (p. 2). Put simply, this was a diplomat actively working to overthrow a foreign government. This was a “diplomat” whose work consisted of regime change—despite early official pronouncements to the contrary—and in addition one whose commitment to Libya was restricted to the eastern portion. Subverting a government was accompanied by pandering to regionalist sentiments that have worked to divide and destabilize Libya since the bloody coup against Gaddafi.

These "humanitarian" myth-makers helped create imagined realities in the service of empire: Christopher Stevens (L), filmmaker Gilles Hertzog (center), and Bernard-Henri Levy (R)

If anything, the report seems to suggest that “diplomacy as subversion” is the State Department’s favored model for international engagement, noting: “significantly increased demands on U.S. diplomats to be present in the world’s most dangerous places to advance American interests and connect with populations beyond capitals, and beyond host governments’ reach” (p. 2). “Beyond host governments’ reach” is a pleasant way of saying that U.S. diplomats advance U.S. interests by circumventing the same legally constituted national authorities that the U.S. officially recognizes because it requires their prior permission to even establish an embassy. However, this model does not necessarily rely on establishing formal embassies, a formality that can be dispensed with in the new American diplomacy. This is the case even with Libya today, after Gaddafi—the so-called “consulate” in Benghazi, as some media called it, “was never a consulate,” and the report states that its presence was “never formally notified to the Libyan government”—the current government (pp. 14-15). Elsewhere the report speaks of the “special mission” as having a “non-status” as a “temporary, residential facility” (p. 5). One wonders how the Libyan government was supposed to come to the rescue of an entity that remained a mystery.

With reference to at least unofficially legitimizing Libyan regionalism, which reaches the point of organized secessionism in eastern Libya, the report acknowledges that “Stevens’ presence in the city [Benghazi] was seen as a significant sign of U.S. support for the TNC and a recognition of the resurgence of eastern Libya’s political influence” (p. 13). The report then validates without any question the Benghazi narrative that, “throughout Qaddafi’s decades-long rule, eastern Libya consistently lagged behind Tripoli in terms of infrastructure and standard of living even as it was responsible for the vast majority of Libya’s oil production” (p. 13). (Perhaps the U.S. should consider moving its capital to Texas.) What the report does not consider is that under Gaddafi other historically much more neglected areas—those that were not the privileged seat of the old monarchy—finally began to receive attention, and this bothered some in Benghazi who then (as now) continue to demand nearly exclusive attention to their own interests.

"Air force" functionary: his photo taken after dropping bombs on people he's never met

There are many other examples of the rewriting of history to better accord with U.S. interests and designs, but none is more glaring than the complete absence of any mention of U.S. and NATO bombings over eight months and the presence of U.S. and British special forces on the ground, along with hundreds of Qatari troops. The war against Libya never happened. Instead we get a pretty portrait of valiant rebels single-handedly defeating Gaddafi, for example: “The TNC continued attacking the remaining Qaddafi strongholds, and Tripoli fell earlier than expected at the end of August” (p. 14). Indeed, Libya had been visited by “a popular uprising” (p. 13), one so popular that it required U.S. intervention because it had no chances of success otherwise. There is a reminder also that the U.S. Embassy in Tripoli shut down merely days after the first street protests began—a curiously rapid decision (p. 13).

“Oh for the love of Chris!”

The production of this report, and its intended public consumption, is part of what might be kindly called the U.S. government’s “public diplomacy” effort, or in more disquieting terms, strategic information operations. The report is largely an exercise in impression management. The result is hagiography. Ambassador Stevens, we are told, “personified the U.S. commitment to a free and democratic Libya” (p. 2). The Americans who were killed possessed “selfless courage” (p. 3), and their duties were also “performed with courage” (p. 7). Lest ye forget, the report writers recommend that government agencies take yet another opportunity “to recognize their exceptional valor and performance, which epitomized the highest ideals of government service” (p. 12). Christopher Stevens was loved, as reflected by “his ability to move in all sectors of the population” (p. 2)—all sectors. Indeed, then he must still be moving. Often the report reads like a self-aggrandizing lobbying effort, self-conscious of its role as a means of marketing State Department goals in a time of reduced budgets, and often seems as if it had been penned directly by Secretary Clinton herself.

What is odd is that at times the report seems to almost blame Stevens for his own death: “Embassy Tripoli did not demonstrate strong and sustained advocacy with Washington for increased security for Special Mission Benghazi” (p. 4). This is despite publicly available evidence to the contrary, with a number of emails from Stevens that have been published, showing that Stevens had issued “multiple warnings” of security threats. The report nevertheless seems to find fault with him—“but you did not persuade me” you can almost hear them say. And yet, elsewhere the report states that Washington gave “unusual deference to his judgments” (p. 6)—so there is a bit of a contradiction that remains unresolved.

Excitement over the "Arab Spring" in Tahrir Square: why are John McCain and Joseph Lieberman so enthusiastic??

As part of the fog of diplomacy, what remains occluded by this report is the real story of “Benghazi Gate.” That Obama may have been keen to cover up any role of Al Qaeda, which he had loudly proclaimed to be decimated and left adrift after the execution of Bin Laden, is possible. His limited symbolic capital going into the last elections, which he barely won, could not stand to be tarnished. What seems more compelling, occurring precisely at the time when Syria is being targeted by the U.S. and its allies, is the role of Libya as a proxy in a covert war against Syria. This is, after all, an administration that is almost neurotic when it comes to maintaining secrecy (except for when leaks serve the greater glory of the leader’s reputation). In a report that does not even conceive of a Libyan resistance, in the midst of so many dubious friends with agendas that may sometimes overlap with those of the U.S. (and others times, not), one cannot expect to find a sober and rational engagement with the realities of a Libya dismantled by U.S. intervention. That would be like accepting blame, and the report is driven by the need to (re)gain credit, at the expense of continuing to sow misinformation and confusion.

Additional Resources:

1.  Illuminating two-part audio interview with Maximilian Forte on "Unusual Sources" (December 2012):

2.  Short video based on Maximilian Forte's book, Slouching Towards Sirte: NATO's War on Libya and Africa.

According to Forte, "this film places the 2011 US/NATO war in Libya in a more meaningful context than that of a war to 'protect civilians' driven by the urgent need to 'save Benghazi'. Instead it counters such notions with the actual destruction of Sirte, and the consistent and determined persecution of black Libyans and African migrant workers by the armed opposition, supported by NATO, as it sought to violently overthrow Muammar Gaddafi and the Jamahariyah. This film takes us through some of the stock justifications for the war, focusing on protecting civilians, the responsibility to protect (R2P), and 'genocide prevention,' and examines the racial biases and political prejudice that underpinned them. The role of Western human rights organizations, as well as misinformation spread through 'social media' with the intent of fostering fear of rampaging black people, are especially scrutinized."

3.  The first two parts of a 4-part video series about the fraudulent legal (and public relations) case which justified the NATO intervention in Libya called The Humanitarian War, directed by Julien Tiel (2011): 

4.  Civil war and social chaos has been turned into a fashion statement!  Bizarre truck advertisements we discovered in a foreign language version of Esquire magazine in December, 2011:

Read more here: